Download A Demon of Our Own Design: Markets, Hedge Funds, and the by Richard Bookstaber PDF

By Richard Bookstaber

Inside markets, innovation, and risk
Why do markets continue crashing and why are monetary crises more than ever earlier than? because the danger supervisor to a few of the top companies on Wall Street–from Morgan Stanley to Salomon and Citigroup–and a member of a few of the world’s biggest hedge money, from Moore Capital to Ziff Brothers and FrontPoint companions, Rick Bookstaber has visible the ghost contained in the laptop and vividly indicates us a global that's even riskier than we predict. The very issues performed to make markets more secure, have, in reality, created a global that's way more harmful. From the 1987 crash to Citigroup final the Salomon Arb unit, from excellent losses at UBS to the death of long term Capital administration, Bookstaber supplies readers a entrance row seat to the administration judgements made through essentially the most robust monetary figures on the earth that ended in disaster, and describes the effect of his personal actions on markets and marketplace crashes. a lot of the innovation of the final 30 years has wreaked havoc at the markets and value trillions of bucks. A Demon of Our personal Design tells the tale of man’s try and deal with marketplace possibility and what it has wrought. within the strategy of exhibiting what we have now performed, Bookstaber shines a gentle on what the long run holds for an international the place capital and gear have moved from Wall road associations to elite and hugely leveraged hedge money.

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Additional resources for A Demon of Our Own Design: Markets, Hedge Funds, and the Perils of Financial Innovation

Example text

For the paradigm to continue, trade in finance needs to continue. And so one arrives at May 1997, by which time finance had become extensively deregulated, along with much else in economic life. Credit was readily available, most people had their houses ‘in play’ (even if they were living in them) and the idea had established itself in the public mind that real estate and share prices could go ever upwards, no matter how often reminders were given to the contrary, and whether in small print or large.

In that case, money would have been seen, and could yet be seen, as having two aspects − material needs and the goods produced to satisfy them, and capacities and the capital that is or enables their expression − and it would not have been necessary, or even possible, to explain money by reference to only one of them. The lopsidedness of Aristotle’s analysis (as of all subsequent theory reliant upon it) would then not have arisen, or could now be overcome. We would also think very differently, as the arrows in the figures illustrate.

It is not a question of right or wrong, but partial or complete understanding. This can be naïve; there are many non-Anglo-Saxons who think in this way. But it can become consciously crafted so that no one any longer sees the problem. Two examples: the language of economics pretends to be scientific, when in fact it is attempting to be so. It allows an aura of universality, when in fact it has definite biases – to positivism, for example. It suggests that ‘value free’ is not a value-laden concept.

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